RESPONSE
TO HUSSEIN IBISH, AMERICAN-ARAB ANTI-DISCRIMINATION COMMITTEE:
RIGHT
OF REFUGEE RETURN AS “HUMAN RIGHT” VS. ISRAEL AS A JEWISH STATE
Gidon D.
Remba
Hussein Ibish of the American-Arab
Anti-Discrimination Committee opposes the kind of practical solution to the
Palestinian refugee problem forged by Israeli and Palestinian negotiators in
the Taba talks in January of last year (letter, Jan. 20, 2002, New York Times). Under such
an arrangement, endorsed more recently by Palestinian moderates like Sari
Nusseibeh, most Palestinian refugees would either receive compensation,
rehabilitation and citizenship in the Arab countries where they now reside,
resettle in third countries, or exercise a right to return to the new state of
Palestine, living in peace beside Israel, rather than returning to former homes
and villages in Israel, many of which no longer exist. Permitting repatriation to Israel of more than
a modest number of displaced Palestinians, most of whom are now descendants of
the original 1948 generation, would undermine the Jewish majority in Israel, sabotaging
its character as a Jewish state.
Mr.
Ibish’s polemic should be recognized for what it is: a new attempt to delegitimize the right of Israel to exist by cynical misuse of the
idea of human rights. Mr. Ibish charges
that maintaining Israel as a Jewish state would accommodate
a pernicious ethno-nationalism. In fact,
it is to recognize that Israeli Jews insist on the same right to national
self-determination in their own political space that Palestinians themselves
claim in their bid for independence in the West Bank and Gaza.
Palestinian moderates including Yasser Abed Rabbo, the PA Minister of
Information, recently signed a joint statement with members of Peace Now in Israel, including such former ministers of
the Barak Government as Yossi Beilin. It
affirms that “solutions can be found to all outstanding issues that should be
fair and just to both sides and should not undermine the sovereignty of the
Palestinian and Israeli states as determined by their respective citizens, and
embodying the aspirations to statehood of both peoples, Jewish and Palestinian.
This solution should build on the progress made between November 1999 and
January 2001.” It is unfortunate that
some Arab-American leaders have regressed to radical rejectionist positions
which deny the legitimacy of Israel, repudiating the advances made
after Camp David II, when the only hope for ever achieving a comprehensive
Palestinian-Israeli peace accord lies in a pragmatic compromise which respects
the national rights of both peoples.
Hussein Ibish on the Right of Refugee Return as a “Basic Human Right”
versus Israel as a Jewish state
January 20, 2001
To the Editor:
Yoel Esteron (Op-Ed, Jan. 13) presents himself as sympathetic
to the plight of the Palestinian refugees while suggesting that the United
Nations has "inflated" their numbers and blaming "their Arab
neighbors" for their misery.
Worse, he demands that Palestinians renounce their right of
return simply because it might undermine the "Jewish nature" of the
Israeli state. Mr. Esteron is in favor of excluding the Palestinians simply
because of their ethnicity.
The right of return for refugees is guaranteed by all basic
human rights treaties and was explicitly applied to the Palestinian refugees by
United Nations Resolution 194. Mr. Esteron would have Palestinians renounce
their basic human rights to accommodate Jewish ethno-nationalism.
HUSSEIN IBISH
Communications Director
American-Arab
Anti-Discrimination Committee
Washington, Jan. 13,
2002
Refugees and
Reparations in the Mideast
By YOEL ESTERON
January 13, 2002
TEL AVIV—Before he died, my father gave me a piece of paper.
He was the sole surviving member of his family, which had been wiped out in the
Holocaust. Germans and Poles had murdered his parents and his brothers. He
alone managed to escape the hellhole that was Europe. After World War II, he settled in Israel, established a home and a family,
and contributed in his modest way to the miracle of Jewish renaissance. That
piece of paper was the only evidence that my father was the legal owner of a
large house in the town of Hrubieshow in eastern Poland.
I never saw the house and probably never will. My father
heard that a pharmacy had been built in its place. He never wanted to go back
there, to that place so permeated with pain. Perhaps he was afraid to. I still
feel that the house belongs to my family, although we will never return to that
life.
My father's story is not unique. My mother also lost her
family and her home. Most Israelis are refugees, or the children of refugees,
from Poland, Germany and Russia, Morocco, Iraq, Syria and other places. I can feel for
Palestinians who hold on to their title deeds to houses in Jaffa or Haifa: I have a piece of paper, too. We
are all products of a chaotic postwar world in which millions of people fled
from country to country looking for sanctuary.
When I see children and their parents living in dire poverty
in refugee camps in the West Bank and Gaza, and elsewhere in the region, I
wonder why their Arab neighbors, especially those who have enjoyed immense oil
riches all these years, have never come to their aid. The sad truth is that the
Arab countries have abandoned them to a bitter fate in order to foment hatred
of Israel. The misery and despair in these
camps is heartrending. The need for urgent, humanitarian measures to alleviate
the hardship is clear.
According to figures compiled by the United Nations Relief
and Works Agency, the Palestinian refugee population has grown from 730,000 in
1949 to 3.7 million people living today in the West Bank and Gaza, Jordan, Lebanon and Syria. Although these numbers may be
inflated, there seems little question that the vast majority of the refugees
need assistance.
For Israelis and Palestinians, in these harrowing days
fraught with terrorist attacks, blockades and now renewed clashes over the
smuggling of arms aboard the ship Karine A., seeking a solution to the refugee
problem may seem too much to hope for. Gen. Anthony Zinni, the American envoy,
is scheduled to return to the Middle East this week to try to broker a cease-fire, which, if
sustained, would be a huge stride forward. If and when the shooting stops, the
"right of return" in all its complexity is bound to be the greatest
stumbling block on the road to a permanent peace.
Although Israel was the one attacked in 1948, it
will have to acknowledge its share in the suffering of Palestinian refugees.
The establishment of a national home for the Jews caused suffering to hundreds
of thousands of Palestinians, who fled or were expelled from their homes during
the War of Independence. Israel's independence was their Nakba, or
catastrophe. Israel must take part in a large-scale, very costly international
aid and development effort — one that could run into billions of dollars,
according to various estimates — to ease the distress of the refugees and help
them build homes and a new life of political dignity and economic prosperity.
Reparations of this sort are possible and could be made
politically acceptable to many Israelis. What Israelis cannot accept, however,
is the Palestinian demand for the "right of return." To do so would
be to destroy the idea of Israel as a national home for Jews who
have nowhere to return to. We are not prepared to put our trust in those who
promise that if we recognize such a right, the number of actual returnees would
not be so great as to overwhelm the Jewish nature of this state.
The world did not stop in 1948. The clock cannot be turned back,
even for those who still have old deeds. Those who imagine that it is possible
to devise complicated solutions to this central question of return must
remember this simple truth: The inhabitants of the refugee camps have to accept
that their future homes and their Palestinian nation will rise in the West Bank and Gaza, alongside Israel. All the talk about genuine
historical compromise boils down to this: Two peoples living in peace in two
states on a tiny stretch of land between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea.
Yasir Arafat refused to forgo the right of return at the Camp David talks in July 2000 because he
feared that the refugees would never agree. One can understand how hard it is
to put away those pieces of paper, so carefully guarded for over 50 years, and
begin life anew. It is hard to give up a dream. But that is clearly the answer
for the refugees and their children. The alternative is to condemn the next
generation to the suffering of this one. The choice is between a life spent clinging
to an unattainable dream and a life of real hope. My parents left the past
behind for their children's sake. Palestinian parents need to do the same for
the sake of their children.
Yoel Esteron is managing editor of Ha’aretz, an Israeli
newspaper.