Where We Stand


WHERE WE STAND

AMERICANS FOR PEACE NOW

"We will pursue the course of peace with determination and fortitude. We will not let up; we will not give in. Peace will triumph over all its enemies, because the alternative is grimmer for us all. And we will prevail."
-- Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin during an acceptance speech upon being recognized as the 1994 Nobel Peace Laureate.


Introduction
American Responsibilities as a Peace Broker
Principles for Peace: Terrorism, Border, Security and Palestinian Self-Determination, Economic Development, Refugees, Settlements, Jerusalem
Democracy and Human Rights
Israel and Its Arab Neighbors
Multilateral Talks and the Wider Region
Conclusion


Introduction

Americans for Peace Now (APN), the U.S. partner of Israel's Peace Now (Shalom Achshav) is the leading American Zionist organization working to help Israel achieve a secure peace with the Arab states and the Palestinian people.

Americans for Peace Now believes that Israel's security and its democratic and Jewish character cannot be maintained if it continues to rule over the West Bank and Gaza nor if it remains in a state of conflict with its Arab neighbors including the Palestinian people.

APN seeks a comprehensive political settlement to the Arab-Israeli conflict consistent with Israel's long-term security needs and its Jewish and democratic values. To this end, APN favors:

  • termination of Israeli rule over the great majority of the West Bank and Gaza
  • creation of a Palestinian state subject to strict military limitations
  • negotiation of peace and security accords with Syria which permit withdrawal from the Golan Heights
  • withdrawal from southern Lebanon subject to satisfactory security arrangements
  • permanent resolution of the status of Jerusalem that ensures that the city remains physically undivided while accommodating the national aspirations and religious needs of both its Israeli and Palestinian residents

For over a decade and a half, Americans for Peace Now has been promoting negotiations between Israel and both the Palestinians and Arab States. APN and its partners in Israel have witnessed significant progress along the course of this struggle. Israel achieved an historic breakthrough in making peace with Egypt and Jordan and in reaching preliminary agreements with the Palestinians. The majority of American Jews support this embryonic peace, even in periods of deep crisis and protracted stalemate.


American Responsibilities as a Peace Broker

"The United States is a full partner in this quest for peace because progress towards peace serves our vital interests, helps protect our friends, reflects our values and because it is right."
-- Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, The National Press Club, August 6, 1997

The United States has its own vital interests in the Middle East. U.S. strategic, economic and political interests in the Middle East require that the United States reconcile its simultaneous commitments to ensuring the security of the State of Israel, supporting Arab allies to achieve regional stability, maintaining the uninterrupted flow of energy (oil and natural gas) from the region and containing nonconventional weapons. Hence, Arab-Israeli peacemaking is an imperative and not an option for the United States. The U.S. goal of achieving regional stability, including security for Israel, is impossible without a comprehensive resolution of the Arab-Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

Without a vigorous and continuing U.S. effort to mediate and reinforce the peace process, all parties are likely to find it difficult, if not impossible, to return to the negotiating table and to reach and implement agreements successfully. Moreover, the United States must continue to offer substantive proposals if the current stalemate is to be broken.

A comprehensive peace will take real compromise and risk on all sides. The role of the United States in shepherding the parties through this period of historic compromise is critical. In particular, Americans for Peace Now believes that Israel's special relationship with the United States must be preserved and nurtured. The strength of this bilateral bond will help sustain the compromises and minimize the risks of territorial withdrawal and peacemaking. APN applauds the Clinton Administration for assuring Israelis of America's continuing support for their security. However, support for Israel need not require U.S. agreement with those Israeli policies that do harm to the peace process.

The U. S. understands that Israel will need to maintain its military defense capability if it is to pursue the goal of a secure peace. The Arab states and the emerging Palestinian polity will also need American support as they make peace with Israel. The U. S. has taken the global lead in organizing international aid to the partners for peace. This economic aid -- strategically disbursed -- is essential if the peace process is to succeed. U.S. involvement will prove even more critical in the next phase of the process when Israel begins negotiating final status agreements with the Palestinians and renews talks with Syria and Lebanon.


Principles for Peace

Americans for Peace Now offers the following principles for how the outstanding conflicts in the region can be resolved:

Terrorism
Acts of terrorism must not be tolerated. Americans for Peace Now agrees with the Clinton Administration formula that while the Palestinian Authority cannot reasonably be expected to prevent all acts of terror, nonetheless the Palestinian Authority has the responsibility to make a maximum effort to thwart terror.

Americans for Peace Now believes that the Palestinian Authority should: resume effective security cooperation with Israel; arrest and prosecute within the full extent of the law those Palestinians who engage in terrorism; make a sustained effort to help create a political and social environment among Palestinians in which the use of terror is unacceptable; and destroy terrorist capability within the territories under its control.

The Palestinian Authority's ability to fight terror can be helped or hurt by the policies of the Israeli government. The Government of Israel should refrain from imposing collective punishments that hurt civilians such as withholding funds from the Palestinian Authority. Collective punishment only increases antipathy among the majority of Palestinians whose support is essential if the Palestinian Authority is to act against terrorism.

Americans for Peace Now rejects those voices that call for an end to the peace process because of terrorist acts. Violence and terrorism must not be allowed to let the terrorists accomplish their goal of destroying the possibility of peace. Israel's hope for reducing the incidence of terrorism will be achieved by implementing peace on the ground.

Borders, Security and Palestinian Self-Determination

"It is the natural right of the Jewish people, like any other people to control their own destiny in their sovereign state."
- Israel's Declaration of Independence, May, 1948

Now, within a framework of security for Israel, it is time to extend this right to the Palestinian people. Competing Israeli and Palestinian claims to the Land of Israel/Palestine have been at the heart of the Arab-Israel conflict. Long before the creation of the State of Israel, mainstream Zionism recognized that this was a conflict of right against right. Under the leadership of Israel's founders, Chaim Weizmann and David Ben Gurion, mainstream Zionism accepted partition of the Land of Israel into Jewish and Arab states. For decades, the Arabs rejected partition and the Palestinians paid the price. To end the conflict, we support the creation of a Palestinian state comprising the great majority of the West Bank and all of the Gaza Strip, with safe passage between them. The Palestinian State must have territorial contiguity and so we reject the concept of cantonization.

In emphasizing the importance of Israel's security requirements, we recognize a basic asymmetry. By withdrawing from the West Bank and Gaza Strip, Israel will give up valuable strategic assets and take real risks. The final peace settlement thus will have to accommodate Israel's security requirements, preventing the Palestinian State from having arms and military formations that might pose a threat to Israel's security, and excluding foreign military forces from Palestinian territory. The United States should announce its support for such a Palestinian state.

Economic Development
The Palestinians should have the opportunity to work and to develop their economy. Mutual agreements must be achieved that, consistent with Israel's security needs, promote the flow of people and goods. Under successive governments, Israel did not permit the creation of an economic infrastructure in the occupied territories. Israel is obliged, for reasons of self-interest as well as social justice, to assist in developing a successful economic program with the Palestinians that will encourage governments, economic agencies, and private entrepreneurs to invest significantly. Regional trading agreements, cooperative economic planning and sustainable development that preserves the environment will solidify the peace to the benefit of all parties.

 

Refugees
For years, the seemingly irreconcilable positions on the refugee issue obstructed the possibility of peace as the Palestinians claimed the right of return to their homes. Israel considered this demand an unacceptable threat to its integrity, demographics and sovereignty. In the context of a peace agreement, Palestinians must be permitted to allow the return of Palestinian refugees not to their homes necessarily, but to their homeland within the boundaries of the Palestinian State, as Jews are allowed the right of return within the borders of the State of Israel. The issue of compensation should be discussed in the context of claims of both Palestinian refugees and Jewish refugees who fled to Israel from Arab lands. To reunite families, the two sides must negotiate the return of limited numbers of refugees into Israel.

Settlements
Americans for Peace Now has consistently held that Jewish settlements in the West Bank and Gaza Strip should not in any way be allowed to impede the peace process. Far from serving a security purpose, many settlements located in heavily populated Palestinian areas represent a security liability. They require disproportionate allocation of military personnel and resources for their protection. Such settlements will become even more problematic in the future. The continued presence of highly ideological, and sometimes violent, Jewish settlers in close proximity to large Palestinian populations in places like Hebron, puts at risk the prospect for peace and security. Intertwining of settlers and Palestinians in the territories exacerbates fears and tensions. The expanded settlement activity now being carried out by the Israeli government delivers a clear message to the Palestinians that Israel has no intention of reaching a territorial compromise that permits a geographically contiguous basis for Palestinian national sovereignty. Settlement building must be frozen during the peace process until such time as the future of the territories, including the status of the settlements, has been negotiated. Most settlers moved to Gaza and the West Bank in response to government-sponsored economic incentives. Those who want to return to Israel should be financially assisted to do so.

Settlers who remain in place should understand that they will be subject to Palestinian law and sovereignty. Israelis and Palestinians may negotiate border adjustments that would annex a portion of settlements to Israel while leaving others under Palestinian control. Whatever the ultimate arrangement, the continued presence of ideologically extremist settlers who are intent on undermining the very idea of withdrawal and territorial compromise presents a fundamental obstacle to a permanent peace agreement. In no case should the settlers have the freedom to resort to unpunished violence in their efforts to block a peace accord.

Jerusalem
Jerusalem must remain the undivided capital of Israel. It must never be physically divided as it was before 1967 nor should barriers be erected between its major sections. Yet, any rational policy must begin by recognizing the de facto division of the city by national identity. Current policies and final arrangements must respond to the delicate cultural, religious, and political sensitivities of the city's diverse population. The integrity of neighborhoods, political institutions and religious sites must be respected. The Palestinian people of Jerusalem must gain meaningful political and national expression in areas where they live. The current municipal boundaries of Jerusalem are of recent origin; post-1967 changes have substantially enlarged the city's borders by adding areas from the West Bank. As part of a peace settlement, Israel can agree to accommodate the Palestinian desire for a capital outside the current boundaries of Jerusalem, and in Palestinian neighborhoods of East Jerusalem.

Provocative building or placement of housing or institutions in areas where they will disrupt the ethnic or religious character of neighborhoods and the fragile peace should be firmly rejected. Any building necessary to serve the city's expanding population should be responsive to both Jewish and Palestinian growth needs and should not cut off Palestinian Jerusalemites from the West Bank. East Jerusalem is the social, political, cultural, economic, medical and educational center for the West Bank. The present municipal government has supported provocative building that aims to isolate Palestinian areas as well as to reduce the Palestinian population in East Jerusalem. To this end, the Jerusalem municipality has refused building permits, separated families, denied identity cards, confiscated land, and intensified housing demolitions, among other measures. The Palestinians' unequal access to resources and economic opportunities is not compatible with a unified city. Negotiations will determine the status of holy sites respectful of rights and freedom of worship for all religions. A large variety of reasonable plans for satisfying competing claims to Jerusalem have been offered. Pragmatic and creative solutions exist; what is needed is the good will to explore them.


Democracy and Human Rights

It is in Israel's interest that Israel not only continues to adhere to fundamental principles of democracy and human rights, but that its immediate neighbor, the new Palestinian State is built upon those principles. We therefore do not condone the violation of those principles by the Government of Israel or the Palestinian Authority, whether in the fight against terrorism or in any other context.


Israel and Its Arab Neighbors

Israel will benefit greatly from peace with Palestinians. However, security for Israel cannot be achieved unless it also makes peace with neighboring Arab countries:

  • Jordan: The signing of the 1994 Israel-Jordan Peace Treaty was a development of great importance for the future of Israel. This bilateral treaty had already begun to promote economic cooperation, investment, tourism and other peace dividends as the borders were opened for the flow of people and goods as well as educational exchange and contacts of varied kinds. The Treaty's provision barring the entry of a foreign army onto Jordanian soil effectively extends Israel's security line two hundred miles to the east, to the border of Iraq. This has enhanced Israel's deterrent capability vis-à-vis two of its regional enemies, Iraq and Iran, who will find it difficult to use Jordan as a launching pad for an attack against Israel. The peace with Jordan has extended Israel's strategic depth and created a large friendly buffer zone on its volatile eastern front.

The negotiations with Jordan could serve as a model for Israel's bargaining with other states. The factor that will ultimately determine the durability of this peace is progress on the Israeli-Palestinian front. The delays on the Israeli-Palestinian track and crises such as that precipitated by unilateral acts in Jerusalem and by the attempted assassination of a Hamas official on Jordanian soil have damaged the warm and open relationship that had been developing with the Government of Jordan. While all Israeli governments seemingly treasure peace with Jordan, the failure to reach a durable accord with the Palestinians jeopardizes it.

  • Syria: Peace with Syria is vital to a comprehensive regional peace. A peace treaty with Syria must involve four elements: Israeli withdrawal from the Golan Heights to an agreed upon peace border; full normalization of diplomatic, economic and tourist relationships; a timetable for carrying out the agreement in phases; and security arrangements including demilitarization, force reduction, maintenance of intelligence capabilities and other measures necessary to assure security and deter war. Equally important to a permanent peace, Syria must cease harboring terrorist groups.

A peace agreement between Israel and Syria depends upon both sides agreeing that the depth of Israeli withdrawal will depend upon the depth of the peace and security. Both sides should revive the talks and accept a substantive U.S. mediating role in the resumed negotiations.

  • Lebanon: Prime Minister Barak has declared July 2000 as the target date for Israeli withdrawal from Lebanon.

Therefore, Israeli withdrawal is no longer in doubt. APN supports Israel's strong preference that its withdrawal is completed via an agreement with the Lebanese and Syrian governments - an agreement that safeguards northern Israel and ensures that the Israeli Defense Forces are able to make a secure and peaceful exit.

However, APN also understands that security calculations cannot exclude the possibility of Israel's withdrawal from Lebanon without a formal or full agreement with the governments of Syria and Lebanon. If there is no such negotiated agreement and Israel withdraws from Lebanon, the Lebanese and Syrian governments must prevent attacks against Israel's northern border.

Further, the Israeli government must be given a full accounting of Israeli soldiers missing in action from service in Lebanon, and any soldiers being held in Syria or Lebanon must be released.

All parties have the responsibility to ensure the security of the South Lebanese Army (SLA) and their families.

APN supports Prime Minister Barak's efforts to extricate Israel from Lebanon. APN also recognizes that it is in Israel's interest that Lebanon become a sovereign nation capable of securing its people and borders in order to exert control over guerilla groups and prevent attacks against Israel.


Multi-Lateral Talks and the Wider Region

In addition to the bilateral negotiations between Israel and her neighbors, another track of multi-lateral talks involving Israel, Arab nations, Palestinians and American, European and Asian countries produced concrete results on several regional issues. In this process, practical cooperative plans were being devised and implemented in the areas of economic development, refugee welfare, water usage, environmental projects, and arms control.

These talks achieved some success in areas such as services for refugees, the adoption of a joint Egyptian-Jordanian-Israeli plan for oil spill control and cleanup in the shared Gulf of Aqaba, and agreements on several projects to increase water supplies and enhance common economic development.

The multi-lateral talks have the potential to produce progress on issues that were previously deadlocked. For the first time, refugee issues were seriously discussed. In the area of arms control, important proposals were brought forward on confidence building measures. Israel and the entire region share an interest in vigorously pursuing effective arms control and reduction arrangements, including a serious non-proliferation agreement covering weapons of mass destruction, nonconventional weapons, ballistic missiles and movement toward a nuclear free Middle East. These talks must be linked to global efforts to secure comprehensive arms control agreements.

The talks on regional economic development along with bilateral economic agreements have severely weakened the Arab economic boycott of Israel. Americans for Peace Now has always opposed the boycott and considered its application to other countries and corporations illegal. No legitimate reason exists for the boycott; it should be formally terminated as soon as possible. The weakening of the boycott proves that the most effective way to protect Israel's interests is through vigorous pursuit of peace initiatives.

Because access to water is a fundamental survival issue, it is imperative that progress is made in the multilateral talks on water be as early as possible.

Israel is right to demand international coordination in implementing a ban on selling missiles and arms to Iran, which today is a military threat to Israel, the region and the world. At the same time, Americans for Peace Now is encouraged by reports that senior Israeli officials and defense leaders are rethinking Israel's policy toward Iran with regard to resuming a dialogue with Iran. It is time for the new Iranian regime to be tested to determine if it will cease being a military threat to Israel and the Gulf nations. Iran should withdraw its opposition to the Arab-Israeli peace process.

The United States must work to reduce the Iranian military threat by leading international efforts to prevent Iran from acquiring new missile technology and weapons of mass destruction. The U.S. should also add a new dimension to its policy: lift its economic boycott. This act would send a strong signal to the Iranian public that the U.S. goal is to halt any Iranian military threat while not using economic sanctions to punish Iranian civilians.



Conclusion

We recognize that developments on the ground may well necessitate changes in particular positions outlined above. But our core position will remain intact: Israel can best achieve lasting peace and security through territorial compromise and building a political and security partnership with an emerging Palestinian State. We reaffirm our commitment to aiding the forces promoting peace and security.


Adopted October 1997; edited April 2000


Click here to read APN's December 2001 policy statement